The most glaring aberrations of Jair Bolsonaro’s ministry are in the eye of the street. “Screaming” in every sense of the word. In other words, the most notorious, shrill, destructive aberrations have fallen, and therefore those most capable of stirring up the Pocketnarist phalanxes or of satisfying concrete and ideological requirements.
Bolsonaro still screams, as can be seen in Saúde. But the side effects and the physiognomy of his government change a little more, as had already occurred in the fall or decline of the super-ministers, in the pact made with the center and in the estrangement of the generals.
Part of the government and state destruction program remains. Advertising will have to change its face, some alliances break down. Bolsonaro will have to work harder himself in propagating his program, perhaps reinforcing the reactionary attitudes of other “ideological” ministers and, who knows, perhaps even benefiting from the changes. It’s a parasite. It attacks “the system” and sucks up the result of something that might work. For example, he says with his face that he is responsible for the few vaccines we have.
This Wednesday (23), Ricardo Salles (Environment) fell. Even among the most vocal and militant group, Eduardo Pazuello (Health, March 15th) and Ernesto Araújo (Itamaraty, March 29th) had fallen. The police, judicial and political cost of maintaining them has become too high even for Bolsonaro or unpalatable even for a Congress that more and more, for the most part, is an accomplice of the government.
In Saúde there was a creature that tried to do the least rational, everything that did not attract Bolsonaro’s fury, and that kept the mouth of militant subordinates. It is very little, Bolsonaro still sabotages the most elementary plans to control the epidemic, and there is and will not be a coordinated national policy to deal with the problem. But, as the predecessor was General Pesadello, it even seems that we changed from vinegar to water, which is still dirty, however.
Itamaraty was left with a submerged minister, who tries not to be noticed and tries to restore the minimum functioning of the diplomatic service or avoid further ruining foreign relations. In the Environment, there was a militant of the bad ruralist cause, but what type or measure is still unknown.
Super-minister Sergio Moro (Justice) fell in April 2020 and ousted lacerdism and the wealthy middle class from the government, a strong mainstay of Bolsonaro’s election. Paulo Guedes was somewhat belittled, but a relevant part of the owners of the money and his employees still applaud him in his condition of doorman or security of the market.
It is true that Damares Alves is still a minister and works well in the undertone of reactionary propaganda _he is popular in the interior of the country. Education continues to unravel under the fourth manager of dismantling, ideological police and the spread of retrograde crazy things like home education.
The summary suggests a less strident or even contained ministry of militancy. Bolsonaro had to make at least one tactical retreat, given the almost general outcry (in the second wave, when Pesadello fell, or against Araújo) or because the police knocked on the door, from ministers or children. It can still satisfy allies (the service in the Environment is almost ready) or distribute fiscal favors (taxes, mambemb social programs, etc.). It is more surrounded, but still has the driving force of an attempted revolution from hell.
It is not advisable to underestimate either of the two forces, the one that corners Bolsonaro or his capacity to react. Something changes.
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