The Besieged Caboco decided to go out shooting. And he tells the truth when he argues that he wouldn’t buy a new plane for the CBF if he didn’t have the partnership of the man with the money, Gilnei Botrel, placed there by Marco Polo who doesn’t travel and his candidate to assume the presidency.
In fact, it was the primary mistake of the former Minor Secretary, the fired Comrade Feldman, not to notice Del Nero’s next move. He imagined that he might be the anointed one, remained unpardonably silent for months about the sieges and sat on Colonel Nunes’s throne in the fateful final meeting, to the astonishment and revolt of the eight vice presidents, who felt betrayed for not being informed about the cafajestagem.
One of the vices, who asks for anonymity, candidly argues that the ex-secretary’s role as a political articulator was exhausted in precisely that, in politics, albeit nastily paid. But the shoemaker wanted to go beyond the shoes and it was bad, very bad.
Marco Polo acts after throwing his former left arm overboard, because the right one, Botrel, has always taken care of beyond the entity’s finances, but also his own.
What neither of them imagined was the revolt of the vices, who saw in the crisis the chance to seize power, the only candidates at the moment, according to the statute, to fulfill the remaining period of Caboco’s mandate.
While the bland Cova América unfolds on destitute lawns across four Brazilian cities devastated by Covid-19, and the number of infected in the delegations approaches a hundred, the bonfire of vanities crackles in the corridors of the building that houses the CBF shack with views not just for the time that is left until the end of the term, but mainly for next year’s election, when anyone can be a candidate, especially Botrel, according to Del Nero’s wishes.
In summary, the picture is this: the harasser could not buy the jet without the signatures of the finance director, Botrel, and the legal director, Luis Felipe Santoro, a former lawyer for Corinthians in the days of Andrés Sánchez, who is currently working with pretensions in two fields, that of election in the CBF and as a possible executive of the League of Clubs, with less possibility.
Nothing is free and tortoises do not climb the fence of the generous pasture of the Brazilian football dairy cow.
João Havelange, the capo di tutti capi, would be ashamed of so much mess, not because he was more sophisticated, but because he knew how to impose himself, even though he was unlucky with his son-in-law Ricardo Teixeira, clumsy stuntman, now back in the game in a vacuum of power , despite having to deal with bare wire indoors.
For the clubs, after all, the ones that really matter to the Brazilian fans, all that remains is to let the fire spread and weaken Casa Bandida more and more, in order to create the League and make good use of the battered Brazilian football.
The theme has been boring, repetitive, seemingly hopeless, for so many years, that it is a disgrace to national patience.
It doesn’t console, on the contrary, but, let’s face it, it’s a small café in the face of the ethical, moral and political misery of the Dantesque spectacle presented by the Bolsonaro family quintet and its trained monkeys, such as Osmar Terra, Eduardo Pazuello, Ricardo Salles et caterva.
There is always an active hope that Brazil is greater than the abyss.
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